Media Landscapes

Austria

Written by Josef Trappel

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Magnitude and power characterise the Austrian media landscape. Magnitude relates to the relatively large number of media products in proportion to the smallish market of some 8.34 million people who live in Austria (2008; Statistik Austria). Power relates to the high degree of market concentration, which provides dominant media actors with influence not only in their respective media markets but also in the political arena. Those with vested interests manage remarkably well to define the rules of the media policy game in Austria.

Austria is geographically situated in the centre of Europe and is part of the German language area. Several small linguistic minorities (mainly Hungarian and Slovenian language) are also present. It shares borders with Germany, Italy, Switzerland, Liechtenstein, Slovenia, Hungary, the Czech Republic and Slovak Republic. Austria’s only metropolis is Vienna, with some 2 million people living in and around the capital. Large parts of central and western Austria are topographically characterised by mountains. Although there is some medium-sized industry around the provincial towns of Linz and Graz, Austria’s general economy is based on services.

The Austrian television and radio landscape is characterised by the strong market position of the public service broadcaster ORF, a high viewer’s marketshare of foreign television channels, high degree of cable- and satellite-connected households and the important role press publishers play in the private radio business
Austrian households are well equipped for the reception of radio and television.

Some 92 percent of all households received their television signal by cable or satellite by the end of 2008, an increase of 20 percentage points in 10 years (1997: 71 percent). Some 54 percent of all households were equipped with digital receivers in 2008, with digital satellite reception the most popular (43 percent of all households). Digital cable television was used by 6 percent of all households and digital terrestrial television (DVB-T) by 5 percent. Digital terrestrial radio (DAB/DAB+), however, has not managed to overcome the early stage of technology tests yet.

In its infancy, radio and television was the exclusive domain of the public sector, which controlled all television and radio networks and operated all transmission equipment in the country. In 2001, the Austrian Broadcasting Corporation (ORF) changed its legal form and became a foundation institutionalised by the Austrian Broadcasting Act. The Foundation’s Council is comprised of 35 members. The federal government nominates nine of them while political parties represented in parliament select six. Another nine Regional governments select nine members to be seconded by the Viewers’ and Listeners’ Council (Publikumsrat). ORF’s labour organisation picks the remaining 5 members. The Foundation Council elects the director-general for a five-year term, decides on large investments and controls the whole organisation.

Austrian print media is characterised by a small number of daily newspaper titles, a small number of large newspapers and magazines, a strong orientation towards boulevard newspapers and a high degree of concentration of ownership.

Daily newspapers are highly popular in Austria. In the first half of 2009, more than 2.4m copies were printed every day for a population of some 8.3 million people. This figure includes the daily freesheet Heute, which launched in 2004 and survived the shakeout of several other freesheets at the regional level. Heute reaches almost half the circulation figure of the market-leading newspaper, Neue Kronenzeitung. This newspaper prints every day around 1 million copies, of which it sells some 820,000 copies.

Among newspapers with a cover price – thus excluding freesheets – the Neue Kronenzeitung accounted in 2009 for 42 percent of the whole newspaper market. The remaining 63 percent of the market is distributed among 15 daily newspapers across the country. This number includes all local and regional papers, some of which sell fewer than 10,000 copies daily.

The latest sizeable additions to the Austrian daily newspaper market include the free-sheet Heute in 2004 and a newspaper called Österreich (the German word for Austria) in 2006. The latter is printed all in colour and frequently distributed for free in town centres. This newspaper is oriented toward young adults from 18 to 35 years old. The founders and owners of the newspaper, the Fellner brothers, are well-known Austrian publishers who managed to restructure the Austrian magazine market earlier in their professional life. They sold their highly profitable magazine group, News, to the German Bertelsmann Group (Gruner+Jahr) and invested the revenue in this tabloid newspaper.

Several waves of ownership concentration have hit Austria since the Second World War. Since 1997 the country has a rather small number of competing papers. However, this number has since remained relatively stable.

National press and regional press need to be distinguished. The formerconsists of seven titles published in the capital Vienna, including Österreich, launched in September 2006. Four of the seven titles are tabloid-style papers, while the remaining three titles (Presse, Standard, Wiener Zeitung) compete within the quality newspaper segment. The resulting competition has improved the quality of these papers significantly. The coverage of economic developments has improved considerably since 1995 when the economic daily Wirtschaftsblatt was launched, based on the concept of the Swedish Dagens Industri with the strong initial financial backing of the Swedish Bonnier Group. In 2006, an Austrian publisher, Styria, took over the majority of shares.

The regional press is characterised by strong regional newspapers, dominating up to 90 percent of the regional market. With the exception of two provinces, each province (Bundesland) is dominated by one regional publisher, typically controlling one, two or even three newspapers. These secondary papers do not sell more than 10,000 copies each and are hardly profitable. But they help consolidate the regional market and prevent competition. For example, from September, 2004, to March, 2008, the publisher of the daily newspaper Tiroler Tageszeitung published a secondary paper called Die Neue in the province of Tyrol. In June, 2006, the same publisher started a complementary daily freesheet in the same area. Other regional publishers launched daily freesheets in 2006 as a tactical move to seal this market segment against national and foreign competitors. But these initiatives were economically not sustainable. Most of these freesheets were closed down when the economic recession hit Austria in 2008 and 2009.

The strong position of the regional publishers is challenged by the regional editions of the Neue Kronenzeitung, which competes fiercely with the traditional press in these regional markets. In eight (out of nine) provinces, the Neue Kronenzeitung has either taken the lead or is as strong as the respective regional paper. has even gained more power in economic terms as the daughter-in-law of the Kronenzeitungs’s longtime editor and shareholder manages the freesheet Heute

German investment capital plays a major role in the Austrian newspaper landscape. Without temporary investments from Axel Springer Verlag, WAZ, Süddeutsche Zeitung and Bertelsmann (Gruner+Jahr) several newspaper and magazine launches would not have happened in the 1980s and 1990s. Some of these German publishers have since pulled out of Austria while others — in particular WAZ (holds 50 percent each of Neue Kronenzeitung and Kurier) and Gruner+Jahr (controls News-Group) — still hold important shares in the Austrian press.

The Austrian market for news magazines is almost entirely controlled by the News-Group. It gained control after acquiring, among others, the competing news magazine Profil in September, 2000. This acquisition established an unprecedented accumulation of media ownership, assembling practically all news magazines (News, Profil, Trend, Format) and some 10 other magazines (among them Woman, tv-media, e-media) under the same entrepreneurial roof.

The press accounts for the largest share of the advertising market in Austria. Based on figures from Focus Research, the overall advertising market reached 2.95bn euro in 2008. Some 52 percent of the total advertising spent was allocated to print media with daily newspapers being the most important category. About 21 percent of the total ad spend went for television advertising. Online advertising was still very small with a market share of 3 percent of the total ad spend. The economic recession hit Austria in 2008 and impacted the advertising markets strongly. Newspapers were expected to lose up to 15 percent of their advertising revenue for 2009.

With regard to national and regional radio, the ORF still dominates the Austrian radio markets. In 1993, parliament enacted the first – disputed – legislation to grant licenses to private commercial radio operators. It took another five years before the legal basis could be established. By April, 1998, most of the 53 licensed radio operators were on air. This put an end to the national public service monopoly in the radio sector. In 2001, a new law on regional radios removed some obstacles for media companies to own and operate radio channels. The initial intention was to restrict ownership of dominant newspaper publishers. However, their interest in this medium and their lobbying was strong enough to succeed in removing most of these ownership barriers.

Since 2001, media owners (newspapers, radio, television) are eligible to own 100 percent of a radio station as long as the reach of the radio does not overlap with the reach of its other media. In Vienna as well as in the Austrian provinces, publishers made use of these new rules and acquired shares in local and regional channels. One national terrestrial radio frequency was licensed and granted to Krone Hit Radio, operated by the Neue Kronenzeitung. By 2009, more than 80 private radio operators were granted licences.

On average, Austrians listened to radio programmes for 209 minutes a day. At the end of 2008, about 71 percent of radio listeners’ time was dedicated to one of the radio channels of the ORF and 23 percent to a private radio station. The market situation changes only slowly. More than a decade after the first private radio stations were licensed, the most popular ORF radio programme (OE 3) still had a much larger market share (49 percent in 2008) than all private stations together (29 percent in 2008).”

In addition to its four radio channels, the ORF operates two generalist television channels and one special interest channel, in line with its legal mission. Its headquarters is located in Vienna. In all other eight provinces the ORF runs a regional studio to produce content for radio and television.

In parallel to the re-organisation of the ORF, the Austrian parliament adopted a new law on private television in Austria. Since 2001, private operators are eligible for licenses at the national and at the regional and local level. In 2003, the only national terrestrial television frequency for private broadcasters was granted to ATV, a private broadcaster based in Vienna and controlled by several banks in Austria along with the German film trader Herbert Kloiber. A variety of small broadcasters were granted terrestrial and cable licences at the regional and local level,. The largest among them is Puls TV in Vienna, which was acquired by the German ProSiebenSat.1 group in 2007.

These Austrian television channels compete with other German-language channels redistributed in Austria by the cable systems or via satellite. Foreign channels dominate the television viewing market. In 2008, some 53 percent of all television viewing was dedicated to foreign programmes. Altogether, ORF programmes reached a market share of 42 percent. ORF’s market share fell from 54 percent in 2002 to 42 percent in 2008. The private national channel ATV reached a marketshare of 3 percent in 2008. The most popular foreign television channels were SAT.1 (7 percent), RTL (6 percent) and ProSieben (5 percent), all from Germany.

The digital switchover was well under way by 2009. The Federal Law on Private Television (2001) established the Digital Platform Austria, which is governed by the radio and television regulatory body. This platform has elaborated a multiannual concept to manage the digital switchover. One strategic key element is the creation of a Fund for Digitalisation financed by parts of the radio and television licence fee revenue.

This fund received 7.5m euro in 2004 and some 6.7m annually thereafter to support projects and research in digital television and radio. In 2008, the penetration of digital television increased to more than 50 percent of all households.

Establishment of technical infrastructure for terrestrial digital television (DVB-T) has progressed rapidly in recent years. In 2005, the technical operations were separated from the ORF’s programme activities and relocated to a new company named ORS (100 percent ORF owned). The first ORS multiplex covered 91 percent of Austria with the DVB-T signal. Another multiplex is in place to cover urban areas and a third multiplex is designed for local areas.

In 2007, there were 352 films shown in Austrian cinemas, nearly one film for every day of the year. In the same year 15.7m tickets were sold, a decline since 2004 when 19.3 million were sold. Austrians do not visit the cinema often, less than two times every year on average. Foreign players dominate the Austrian film and cinema industry. Film distribution is firmly controlled by the four US companies Universal Pictures International (UPI), Warner Bros., Walt Disney and Centfox. These companies rank at the top of the distribution list. Together, films distributed by these four studios amount to 78 percent of all admission tickets. Films of European origin amount to 21 percent of all cinema admissions.

The market share of Austrian films is miniscule. Just 1.9 percent of all cinema visits were dedicated to Austrian productions in 2007, corresponding well with the multiannual average of 2 percent. The overall production value of the Austrian film and cinema industry was estimated at 135m euro in 2007. Some 3,800 people were employed, out of which 1,900 were occupied with film production.

In general, the Austrian film industry depends on subsidies, granted by the state according to the Film Subsidy Act (Filmförderungsgesetz) or by European support schemes such as MEDIA. Moreover, the public service broadcaster has entered into several agreements to support the Austrian film industry with so-called output deals (pre-purchase of film rights).

Comprehensive information on film and cinema in Austria is provided by the Austrian Filminstitut (Österreichisches Filminstitut 2008; and once every year: Facts and Figures. Filmwirtschaftsbericht Österreich. Wien.)

The Austrian telecommunication market was one of the earlier candidates for liberalisation. In 2003, the latest amendment of the Telecommunication Act was released. Since then, the supervising body, the regulator Kommunikationsbehörde Austria (KommAustria), conducted three consecutive market analyses. These analyses showed that the Austrian incumbent, Telekom Austria, is still in a very strong market position in the fixed-line, mobile and broadband networks.

The telecommunication market had a combined turnover of 4.3bn euro in 2008. The various segments contributed as follows: Fix-line telephony lost almost half of its turnover within 10 years, from 2.1bn euro in 1998 to 1.1bn in 2008. Mobile telephony more than compensated for this loss. In 2008, mobile market sales reached more than 2.6bn euro. This was down, however, from the all-time high of 2.8bn euro in 2006. Overall, mobile phone penetration in Austria reached 129 percent of the population, corresponding to 10.8 million active numbers. This is well above the EU average of 119 percent.

Fixed-line telephony remains under the firm control of the incumbent Telekom Austria, which holds more than 60 percent of the market. The much larger and more dynamic mobile telephony market is divided among four main competitors. Mobilkom, the mobile arm of Telekom Austria, had 42 percent of the mobile turnover in 2008, leading the market against T-Mobile (Deutsche Telekom) with 32 percent and Orange with 20 percent. Hutchinson 3G (“Drei”) ranks forth (6 percent). Measured on the Herfindahl-Hirschman Index, the mobile market reaches 3.542, which means medium to low market concentration.

A comprehensive source for information on Austrian telecommunication, television, and radio is the annual report of RTR (2009; and once every year: Kommunikationsbericht).

Austria has a relatively high rate of PC ownership and Internet connection. By the first quarter of 2009, some 74 percent of all households were connected to the Internet. In 1999 only 45 percent of all households were equipped with a personal computer and 32 percent had Internet access.

There is still some digital divide among the Austrian Internet population. 53 percent of all Internet users were males in 2009. The number of Internet users increased in the age bracket of 20 to 39 years.

Many web services from traditional mass media companies can be found among the most frequently visited websites in Austria,. The ORF, with its broad variety of Internet services, reached 4.3 million unique clients in October, 2009, generating some 241m page impressions.

The online network of the daily newspaper Österreich, oe24.at, reached 1.9m unique visitors. In third place was derStandard.at with 1.7m unique visitors. The online media provided by News (magazine), Kleine Zeitung, Presse, Neue Kronenzeitung also reached more than 1m unique clients each (data from OEWA).
Apart from these news websites, web portals like Ebay, MSN network and e-mail services like GMX and AON (Austria Telecom) are highly popular.

Recent research shows that online sites in Austria are in many cases little more than extensions of the main medium. The ORF, Der Standard and the Kronenzeitung (krone.at) have established independent online newsrooms and their websites do not merely correspond with the content of the main media outlet.

Most Austrian mass media publishers receive their international, national and economic news from the national news agency Austria Presse Agentur (APA). It was founded right after Second World War in 1946 as a cooperative of almost all Austrian newspapers.

In 1959, the Kronenzeitung was founded but did not join the APA as a member. It never became a member. In 1963, however, the ORF, the second-largest mass media conglomerate in Austria, joined the APA. In a few years it became the member paying the most important membership fee. Today, APA is utilising new information technologies. In addition to its members, it serves a large number of public and private clients.

Media employers and journalists belong to separate professional organisations in Austria. Journalists have founded their own union, Sektion Journalisten, within the National Union Federation of Austria (Österreichischer Gewerkschaftsbund). The role of these organisations within the Austrian mass media landscape is relatively important; the Federation participates in all relevant deliberations on media policy issues and negotiates collective agreements for all employees. Within the National Union Federation, the major print journalist’s union moved in 2001 from the arts and sports section (where radio and television journalists are still members) to the paper and print section.

Newspaper publishers are organised in the Verband Österreichischer Zeitungen (VÖZ). This association has played a key role in all media policy decisions since the Second World War. It represents the collective will of a majority of newspaper publishers and is part of all formal and informal deliberations concerning press policy and press subsidies as well as radio and television legislation.

In 2003, private radio and television broadcasters founded the Verband Österreichischer Privatsender (VÖP). By 2009, private radio and television stations were members. One important issue for VÖP is the debate about the definition of the public service remit of the ORF and – in conjunction – the question of whether the ORF makes lawful use of the licence fee revenues or whether the ORF goes beyond its remit. In 2005, the VÖP filed a lawsuit about this issue against the ORF before the European Commission.

Austria was rather successful in exporting media concepts during the 1980s and 1990s. Several magazine ideas first realised in Austria were successfully launched in Germany. Equally, management staff has moved from Austria to Germany. Austrians have managed the largest private German television group since its beginnings (Helmut Thoma and Gerhard Zeiler).

Over the last decade, Austria’s largest media conglomerates have invested in central and eastern Europe. For example, news markets in Slovenia and Croatia are penetrated by Austrian investment from media companies.

Austria's media policy is characterised by strong regulation with few self-regulatory elements. The strong market player ORF, governed by its council, dominates radio and television. Despite a law restricting fulltime politicians to become members of the council, the ORF became strongly politicised after the new law was enacted in 2001.

Journalists frequently claim that the political influence of the government and attempts to streamline transmissions – in particular in the area of daily news broadcasts – increased. In 2005, a news anchor publicly announced his frustration with direct interventions. In the following months some 80,000 Austrians signed a resolution called SOS ORF calling for more distance between political powers and the ORF. Similar activities were taken up again in 2008.

In August 2006, the candidate from the then-opposition, the Social Democrats, Alexander Wrabetz, was elected director general for a five-year term.

Media and politics are close relatives in Austria. One good example of this close relationship is the subsidy scheme for the press. Since 1974, the state provides all daily and weekly newspapers with annual, direct payments. Subsidies go to all daily papers on their request (smaller amount) and to a few papers considered especially important for the diversity of opinions (larger amount). In 2003, a new law reformed the press subsidy scheme. The new scheme provides subsidies for the distribution of newspapers, for contributions to regional diversity and for the professional development of journalists (schools of journalism) and special projects.

In 2008, about 12.8m euro were allocated to the press according to this subsidy scheme; 4.5m euro for the distribution scheme, 6.6m euro for a diversity scheme and 1.7 euro for journalism schools and special projects. When it comes to subsidies, it is irrelevant to the government whether a newspaper is profitable or not. All receive their share of the subsidy as long as they make a request. There is no auditing or reporting obligation.

Another controversial media policy concerns the high degree of media ownership concentration in Austria. Although early legislation about private broadcasting contained elements to increase the number of media owners and restrict dominant media organisations at the regional level, most of these barriers have been removed.

The reality is that the largest newspaper also owns the only terrestrial national radio channel. In almost all provinces the dominant newspaper publisher also owns the main radio channel and in some cases also the regional television channel. This cross-media concentration happened despite the fact that the cartel law in Austria requires its Cartel Court to check whether the merger or acquisition in question would endanger journalistic and media diversity. The latest case about this issue concerns the fusion of two regional newspaper publishers, from Carinthia and Styria on the one hand, and from Tyrol on the other. The resulting conglomerate was intended to become the largest newspaper publishing company in Austria. The case was still pending with the Cartel Court at the end of 2009.

Austrian cable networks must carry all national channels, including the two channels of the ORF, and relevant local and regional channels. Other than this general rule, cable operators are free to allocate their bandwidth to television, radio or other services. Some large cable networks offer “triple play services,” including radio and television as well as telephony and broadband Internet connection. In accordance with European law, all foreign channels can be received in Austria without restrictions.

A reform of Austrian broadcasting legislation established a Federal Senate of Communication (Bundeskommunikationssenat). This senate examines alleged violations of the Broadcasting Act as well individual complaints against radio and television programmes.

Violations of personal rights or a breach of the journalist's code of ethics were prior to 2002 handled by the Press Council (Presserat). Its verdicts were not legally binding. It made recommendations rather than decisions. It was composed of representatives of professional bodies and journalists’ unions. In 2002, the Presserat was dissolved after disputes among its members.

Up to 2009, no formal institution has replaced the Presserat, although talks were going on for the last few years to re-establish this self-regulation body. Its code of ethics still exists, but no organisation systematically watches over its implementation. Subsequently, several individuals (journalists, editors-in-chief, scientists) founded an organisation for quality journalism; it has little formal recognition and therefore limited relevance.

Several authorities regulate electronic media, telecommunications and the press. The most important authority is KommAustria, which was legally founded by the Telecommunications Act and the KommAustria Act (both 2003). KommAustria acts under the supervision of the federal chancellery and is responsible for the allocation of frequencies and licences for private broadcasting. Moreover, it observes compliance with advertising rules by public and private broadcasters.

KommAustria is supported by the Rundfunk- und Telekomm-Regulierungs GmbH (RTR), which acts as its secretariat. RTR is responsible for the implementation of the press subsidy scheme, the Fund for Digitalisation and several other duties. It publishes a useful yearbook on the development of the media and telecommunication sector in Austria (in German).

The aforementioned Bundeskommunikationssenat is the court of appeal for any decision made by the KommAustria.

Three universities in Austria teach students and do research in mass communications. The universities of Vienna, Salzburg and Klagenfurt (Carinthia) have integrated courses to obtain bachelor’s and master’s degrees in mass communication. They do not offer specific programmes for journalists apart from single courses. The Austrian Kuratorium für Journalistenausbildung offers several journalism courses for the further education of professional journalists.

Information on Austrian media is scattered over many institutions. The ORF publishes some basic statistics on market shares and programme profiles on its website. The mass media regulator RTR has some useful information on regulation, law, press subsidies, et cetera, on its website. The Publishers' Association publishes an annual handbook on the press (Pressehandbuch), containing most relevant data on printed media in Austria.

There is a specialised press (e.g. Horizont Austria; on advertising and agencies) and media sections in newspapers (Der Standard, Die Presse). Furthermore, the Austrian News Agency (APA) publishes a weekly bulletin on media developments. More popular information can be found in the weekly journal TV Media, which functions not only as television programme guide but also as a forum for debate on media policy issues. Finally, the monthly magazine Extradienst reports on media business affairs.

Austria’s media system has undergone a long process of tabloidization; there are now many journalistic competitors in this space. Since the Second World War, the tabloid press has represented an important element of the Austrian media landscape. Kurier (a traditional paper)and Kronenzeitung (founded in 1959, took over the popular Express in 1970) have prepared the market for many more print titles in this segment. In 1992, a new daily newspaper, Täglich Alles, challenged the market leader with short stories, many colours, pictures and tabloid-style journalism. It survived only until 2000. In 1992, a similar concept for younger audiences was introduced to the weekly magazine market. News rapidly became Austria’s best-selling magazine.

Online journalism, starting in the middle of the 1990s, reinforced the trend toward low-cost journalism and strong reliance on material from news agencies. Freesheets launched by domestic publishers continue in this pattern; low-cost journalism dominates these new media outlets. In September, 2006, the all-colour newspaper Österreich joined the list of popular print media with a mission to reach a mass audience.

In general, Austria’s media landscape is likely to remain highly concentrated with a low number of media owners. This includes the public service broadcaster, which plays a major political role in Austria. This strong position guarantees, on the one hand, the future of the public service system, as politicians depend heavily on the ORF. On the other hand, this strong position conflicts with the independence paradigm of public service broadcasting.

As part of a large language area, international developments might gain importance for the Austrian media landscape. While readership is still low for German newspapers and magazines, large parts of the television audience is increasingly oriented toward German channels.

Another trend concerns the growing importance of European regulation in the broadcasting field. Following up on several complaints made by private commercial television operators, the European Commission developed a policy towards state aid with regard to public service broadcasters. Its principles are codified in the 1997 Amsterdam Protocol and more recently in the Broadcasting Communication of July 2009. There, a number of principles are set for the creation of national rules on financing public service broadcasting. The Austrian case was settled in October, 2009. In 2005, private commercial broadcasters represented by the VÖP filed a complaint in Brussels.

Subsequently, the Austrian government had to negotiate the details of its financing for the public service broadcaster. At the time of writing, the entire compromise was not published. The main line, however, is the following: The public service remit has to be clarified and the ORF is no longer entitled to undertake entirely commercial operations online (such as partnership sites). Moreover, public and commercial activities need to be funded from strictly separate accounts. The presumably most complicated condition is the EU request to monitor, on a regular basis, the public value of the ORF. Every new service introduced by the ORF needs the approval of the responsible (but not yet existing) regulatory body for public value. The process will include a public hearing.

  • Fidler, Harald (2008): Österreichs Medienwelt von A bis Z. Wien: Falter.
  • Seethaler, Josef/Melischek, G. (2006): Die Pressekonzentration in Österreich im europäischen Vergleich. In: Österreichische Zeitschrift für Politikwissenschaft, No. 4, pp. 337-360.
  • Steinmaurer, Thomas (2009): Das Mediensystem Österreichs. In: Hans-Bredow-Institut (ed.): Internationales Handbuch Medien. Baden-Baden: Nomos, pp. 504-517.
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  • Trappel, Josef (2007): The Austrian Media Landscape. In: Terzis, Georgios (ed.): European Media Governance. National and Regional Dimensions. Bristol, Chicago: intellect, pp. 63-72.
  • Trappel, Josef (2004): Austria. In: Kelly, Mary/Mazzoleni, Gianpietro/Mcquail, Denis (eds.): The Media in Europe. The Euromedia Handbook. London, Thousand Oaks, New Delhi: Sage, pp. 4-15.

Josef Trappel
IPMZ transfer
University of Zurich
Andreasstrasse 15
CH-8050 Zürich, Switzerland
Tel.: +41-44-635 20 71
Fax: +41-44-634 49 34
Email:j.trappel@ipmz.uzh.ch
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